Rubber is Death

     The latter half of the 19th century was a remarkable time for global expansion of colonial powers. From the outset of the Industrial Revolution, technological advancements bolstered by colonial nations simply meant that plundering, indoctrination, and exploitation of underdeveloped nations was easier than ever before. Marked by an explosion of violence and scourging, the Congolese people of Zaire suffered a more devastating, intentional fate than perhaps any collection of people ever before. The sheer number of crimes committed against the Congolese is almost unimaginable. From the kidnapping of wives for slave ransom to mutilation and decapitation, such heinousness was carried out in the name of King Leopold II and his quest for a monopoly of the rubber supply recently discovered in the region. However, it was not only Belgium, but also a host of other colonial nations and corporate entities playing key roles in the pillaging of newfound minerals and resources that have scarred the history books of this region of the world. An agreement between France and Britain in the mid-1880s allotted to Leopold II of Belgium an area of the Congo nearly eighty times the size of his mother country, known as the Congo Free State. Freedom for the Congolese, however, was soon realized to be only a word with hollow meaning. For, over the next two decades, some of the most gruesome atrocities were committed by colonizers over what continues to be a prominent figment of Humankind’s collective imagination—profit.

     In July of 1885, the Congolese leaders were delusively coerced into signing a treaty declaring all resources in the area the property of the so-called “Free” State. In other words, the treaty recognized Leopold as the authoritarian figure in charge of colonization and extraction of resources, which now essentially all belonged to him. Realizing the potential for unimaginable wealth, Leopold became entrenched within the concept that the end (money) always justifies any means necessary. For those colonizing, this meant only one thing: practically unrestricted systematic methods of exploitation—the result of which saw thousands of severed hands delivered to the city of Antwerp in Belgium. The stories are nearly endless and it is said the worst atrocities were committed in Equator Province, where Leon Fievre was appointed district official. “I ended 100 lives,” Fievre proudly boasted, “but that allowed 800 others to live.” With this mindset it is difficult to imagine boundaries which could contain even the most nefarious acts of incivility. Charles Stokes, a trader in the state territory, was sentenced to death by a military style tribunal with questionable standing for trying to help the natives. Stokes’ death, paired with the fact that Leopold was strongly enforcing the monopoly by paying commission to the officials extracting the most rubber, meant that European powers were growing increasingly wary of the King’s aberrant behavior. Official hostage licenses were even issued by the State that allowed for women to be detained at will. Every fifteen days districts would turn in acquired rubber to the State. This process was simple: if the demand was not met by those enslaved, the officials would see a reduction in commission, which constituted a reduction in appendages and even lives. With far inferior weapons technology, the Congolese stood virtually no chance at defending the land from these ruthless invaders. By forced labor alone, more than 720,000 pounds of rubber were extracted in just six years. Crimes of this magnitude are difficult to maintain in secrecy and the world would inevitably learn of the violence taking place in Africa. Edmund Dene Morel would soon reveal the range of devastation in a series of brochures and letters written and released to the public in London.

    Morel once worked as the Chief Clerk of Trade for the shipping company in Liverpool that received Leopold’s rubber. When “The West African Mail” was released, Charles Banks along with many others would eventually follow in coming out against Leopold and the truly oppressive, but supposedly “Free,” State. In the beginning of the 20th century, Roger Caseman became the new consulate to Africa. He openly liked the Africans and treated such with kindness and gentility. Caseman spent two months travelling in 1903 recording testimonies from every place that he visited. Joseph Clark supplied evidence of the State’s atrocities explaining the district officials’ orders were to extract ten kilos per person per day or lives and hands would be taken. A boy’s hands were even beaten off by rifles against a tree. Despite such mounting accounts being written at this time, Leopold’s commission aimed to defend his regime absolutely.

     In all, Leopold’s profit was a staggering sum even by today’s standards; 231-million Euros. But, all that money could never buy any of the lives carelessly taken by this corporate stronghold and pressure was building from around the world to end the violent reign of terror. With the release of Roger Caseman’s 50-page report on the activities he witnessed, Leopold’s days were numbered. An international commission was formed to investigate and collect accounts which abruptly led to the demise of the King’s reign. After the commission’s report was released to the international community, Leopold ordered all State records burned in an attempt to wash his hands of the thousands of gallons of blood which passed through his fingers. A year later he died and his cortege was booed as it passed through the streets. In Belgium, however, statues were built to honor Leopold as a “civilizer” and a “benefactor” and remain to this day.

     Today, the Congo is still the site of corporate plunder for diamonds, gold and a host of other minerals necessary for the expansion of private companies. Leopold represented what was supposed to be a shift towards the education and “civilization” of the Congolese people. Now it is clear, however, that this was only a mask covering the true reason for occupation—the mineral exploitation industry. Still in place today, this industry has yet to provide for the betterment of, or higher standards of living for, the Congolese, as well as many other inhabitants around Africa. Instead, profiteering has taken a giant leap into the 21st century and threatens practically any semblance of global continuity. The story of Leopold’s conquest of the Congo is but one of countless instances throughout the history of Humankind which should teach us exactly how not to approach resource extraction. Even if a single life is subjugated, exploited or lost, it is equal to failure for the global community to not find a better way.